Extraction from finite adjunct clauses: an investigation of relative clause dependencies in Norwegian

Recent experiments have confirmed earlier informal evidence that finite adjuncts are not islands categorically. Specifically, it has been shown necessarily for all dependency types (Sprouse et al. 2016), and the island status of an adjunct depends on type clause in question (Kush 2019; Müller Bondevik 2021; Nyvad 2022). The current study further explores these questions by testing three different types: Clauses introduced om ‘if’, fordi ‘because’ når ‘when’, a relative (rc) Norwegian. We find forming rc-dependency into Norwegian overall causes effects, but there fine-grained differences within category ‘adjunct’. we ‘when’ yield large while par with Kobzeva (2022) (2022), yields intermediate results. Rather than relying binary distinctions only, argue any theory is to explain empirical landscape must be sufficiently allow gradient distinctions.